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![]() In each area, though, I am recommending additional actions to address concerns and further strengthen the U.S. Whether it is wise to endorse a Test Ban Treaty of indefinite duration.Īfter examining these issues, I remain convinced that the advantages of the Test Ban Treaty outweigh any disadvantages, and thus that ratification would increase national security.nuclear deterrent without nuclear explosive testing and Whether we can maintain the safety and reliability of the U.S.Whether the Test Ban Treaty has genuine non-proliferation value.deterrent.įour types of concerns have been most prominent in the debate on advice and consent to ratification in October 1999 and in my subsequent investigations: The question associated with Treaty ratification is whether the security benefits from the Treaty outweigh any risks that a ban on all nuclear explosions could pose to the U.S. The Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty places obstacles in the path of nuclear weapon development by states that could some day threaten the United States or its allies. For the past half century, the United States has led the campaign to prevent the spread of nuclear weapons to additional countries or terrorist groups, and to reduce the chances that such weapons would ever be used. It will need a credible deterrent as long as nuclear weapons exist.Įqually important to our security are global non-proliferation efforts. The United States has the safest, most reliable, most capable arsenal of nuclear weapons in the world. and allied security, a silent giant guarding against a catastrophic miscalculation by a potential adversary. Introduction A decade after the end of the Cold War, nuclear weapons are still important to U.S. The following is the full text of Shalikashvili's report. ![]() Shalikashvili urged ratifying the treaty and pursuing its entry into force, warning that a delay would make it more likely other countries would "move irrevocably to acquire nuclear weapons or significantly improve their current nuclear arsenal" and less likely that the United States "could mobilize a strong international coalition against such activities." Touching on how the United States would maintain its nuclear stockpile under the CTBT, Shalikashvili told the president that the deterrent could "remain effective" and that the United States could maintain "the ability to remanufacture aging components," assuming "prudent" stewardship. capabilities to track nuclear proliferation and monitor nuclear testing," and strengthen stockpile stewardship. ![]() In his report, Shalikashvili puts forward a number of recommendations to address the senators' concerns and indicates he is "confident that there would be broad bipartisan support" to develop "a more integrated non-proliferation policy," enhance "U.S. interests, as well as those of friends and allies, will be served by the Treaty's entry into force." In a letter to the president presenting his report, the general wrote, "The overarching question has been whether the contributions that the Test Ban Treaty can make to national and international security outweigh any potential risks." He concludes that "an objective and thorough net assessment shows convincingly that U.S. In late January 2000, following the October 1999 Senate rejection of the CTBT, President Bill Clinton and Secretary of State Madeleine Albright asked Shalikashvili to consult with senators and discuss their concerns in order to lay the groundwork for future ratification of the treaty. Concluding a 10 month-long review, General John Shalikashvili released his report on the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (CTBT) to the president January 5, voicing strong support for the treaty and outlining measures to build bipartisan support for it.
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